British Poetry Essay -- Poems Poet Poetry Britain British Essays

Knowledge of contemporary British poetry is of great importance when it comes to understanding the reigning trends of England. The 1970s saw a fair amount of polemic concerning the discontinuities of the national "traditions," most of it concerned with poetry, all of it vulnerable to a blunt totalizing which demonstrated the triumphant ability of "nation" to organize literary study and judgment--as it does still, perhaps more than ever. It remains the case twenty years later that there is a strong hint of the majority of the english poets to rediscover their ‘Englishness’ as a poet, and at the same time the presence of the various other cultures ensures that their remains a deep variety in the crative material. The temptation stubbornly to assert the coherence and power of national traditions is strong not only among cultural conservatives dedicated to the perpetuation of poetic practices associated with or promoting "little-englandism" but increasingly in other, less visible communities of readers as well--and here I think especially of the small but vital communities of poets and critics dedicated to exploratory practices, where the pressures to locate indigenous varieties of Modernist and postmodernist practice are increasing. Now at this stage this would be notable that the English poetry of the present day had to come a long way before it achieved its present mould. It includes the evolution of thought process from the likes of Yeats and Eliot and on to Auden, Dylan Thomas, Philip Larkin and finally to the present day poets like Andrew Zawacki, Brian Patten etc. The poetry of the present day England is one that has many voices to it. There are various ethnicities, cultures and nationalities involved in shaping the face of the contemporary British poetry. But a walk down the memory lane and we find that the early poetry of the century acted as a melting pot to shape the face of the present day trend of the poetry scene. Since 1945 British poetry has moved steadily from what many regard as twentieth century parochial to a twenty-first century international. In the space of little more than fifty years the insular, clear verse of mainland English Britain has changed from being a centralist and predominantly male, seemingly academic practice to become a multi-hued, post-modern, cultural entertainment, available to all. Some observers see this as... ...rse and humor is Wendy Cope. Wendy Cope was born in 1945 in the south of England. Both of her parents held management positions with British companies. Cope earned a B.A. from Oxford (1966) and a diploma from the Westminster College of Education (1967). After teaching for several years at various junior schools in London, she became a freelance writer and columnist. Her Making Cocoa for Kingsley Amis (1986) includes a number of literary jokes and parodies in the style of some of the most notable twentieth-century poets. Asked about her work, Cope asserted, "I dislike the term 'light verse' because it is used as a way of dismissing poets who allow humor into their work. I believe that a humorous poem can also be 'serious'; deeply felt and saying something that matters." Twenty-first century British poetry is no longer precisely English as it used to be. In fact it has redefined the word ‘English’ in a new manner and this is because of the fact that there are various different trends in the British poetry scene. Like the world literature with which it is now firmly allied it has as many facets as the eye of a fly. Saying exactly what it is remains the problem of the moment.

My Values - Work, Family, and Friendship :: Personal Narrative, Personal Values

My Values - Work, Family, and Friendship Three important values that I hold, are hard work, family, and friendship. These are values that I think will make life better and easier for a person. They make me feel secure and prepared for the future. Without these values I probably wouldn't care about anything at all. My values were all influenced by my parents. The only one that I had to figure out mostly by myself, was to work as hard as I could. Hard work is something that I had to do in order to prove to myself that I was smart enough. It probably controls most of my life. I need to do everything right and get perfect grades to be satisfied, and so I'm always working as hard as I can. It sounds like a bad thing, but the hard work almost always pays off. Family is a value that my father taught me. He told me that family is the most important thing in life. Your family will always be there when you need them, and will love you no matter what you do. This is a great thing, because it gives me security and comfort. I know that the decisions that I make in life will be guided by people that care about the outcome, and if things don't work out they'll be there to do whatever they can to help me. You never have to put on a front with your relatives, they will almost always accept you for who you are. Another value that was influenced by my parents as well as television, is friendship. Even though your family is always there for you, friends are still very important to have. Having friends will usually raise a person's self- esteem. By having friends you know that you are a good person, and that people

Poetry Analysis Essay

Introduction Name of poem Home Burial Name of poet Robert Frost Date of publication 1915 Other relevant background info This poem talks about Living, Death, sorrow and grieving, Relationships and Familly And ancestors. It is full of sadness and grief. During it’s publication it is presented as a whole new genre of poetry. Two deaths were depicted in the poem, that of a child and an end up of marriage. The poem deals with essential loneliness. This poem is brought up by his experience of losing his two children at a very young age. One of his son, committed suicide. Form of poem It is a free verse; Dramatic Lyric Structure of poem The Poem has no rhyme scheme yet it have noticeable number of stresses per lines. Lines spoken by people are enclosed in quotation marks and thus recognized as such. It also used emotional or tense form of words Rhyme scheme No rhyme scheme Meaning Overall Meaning Each of us has its own destiny. Decision making takes a big role in human life as such it will dictate the future of a person. Though we may not have the privilege or the ability to see our future, we can rely that in every action there is a reaction. It is said that Frost took the road less taken but in reality all of us travel in this very road and that is life, the run of life. All fo us run the same cycle. How the poem relates to life in general, and/or my life In decision making, we should take into consideration the effects it will burst forth and that what ever the result, I must be ready to embrace the consequence whether good or bad. Alliteration ‘I shall laugh the worst laugh I ever laughed To give of the best. To perform as if it will be the last. To smile at least there’s no tomorrow.

Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh Essay

Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh 1. Introduction : BANGLADESH IS QUITE RICH IN ETHNIC CULTURE. THERE ARE ABOUT THIRTY-FIVE ETHNIC COMMUNITIES LIVING IN DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE COUNTRY. THE MAJOR ETHNIC COMMUNITIES ARE CHAKMA, MURMA, GARO, SANTAL, HAJONG, TIPRA, KHASI, MURANG, SHENDHU, PANKO ETC. THEY STRUGGLE TO MAINTAIN THEIR LIFE STYLE, CULTURE AND PROTECT DISTINCT RELIGIOUS BELIEFS FROM THE INFLUENCE OF THE DOMINANT CULTURE AND RELIGIONS. IN THE NORTH AND NORTHWESTERN BELT OF BANGLADESH A NUMBER OF ETHNIC COMMUNITIES LIVE WHO STILL HAVE TO STRUGGLE HARD TO SUSTAIN THEIR ORIGINAL CULTURE AND TRADITIONAL HERITAGE. THE ADIVASIS IN THIS REGION COMPRISES OF SEVERAL GROUPS SANTAL, ORAON, MUNDA, MAHALI, MAHATO, MALPAHARA ETC. AMONG THE ETHNIC PEOPLE IN THE NORTH AND NORTHWESTERN BELT OF BANGLADESH SANTALS ARE LARGEST IN NUMBER. BUT THERE IS NO ACCURATE AND RELIABLE STATISTICS REGARDING THEIR ACTUAL POPULATION. THERE IS ALSO A GREAT DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE OFFICIAL AND UNOFFICIAL FIGURES AND ESTIMATES. ACCORDING TO THE GOVERNMENT CENSUS OF 1991, THE ADIVASI POPULATION WAS ESTIMATED 3,14,337 IN 16 ADMINISTRATIVE DISTRICT OF THE RAJSHAHI DIVISION. BUT AS CLAIMED BY AN INDIGENOUS COMMUNITY LEADER, BADLA ORAON OF DINAJPUR ADIVASI ACADEMY, THE NUMBER OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLE IN RAJSHAI DIVISION WAS 3,222,000 WAY BACK IN 1984. A SURVEY REPORT REVEALS THAT THE TOTAL POPULATION OF SANTAL IS 143932 IN DINAJPUR, RAJSHAHI, BOGRA, PABNA AND SOME OTHER AREAS OF BANGLADESH. ACCORDING TO THE OTHER SOURCES, THE TOTAL NUMBER OF SANTALS ARE MUCH HIGHER THAN ESTIMATED. MOST OF THE SCHOLARS ALSO QUESTIONED THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE NUMERICAL DATA. IN THEIR OPINION, THE CENSUS TAKES LANGUAGE AS THE BASIS FOR IDENTIFYING ANY PERSON AS BENGALI OR INDIGENOUS. THEY HAVE ALSO ALLEGED THAT THE EXISTING POLICY IS TO SHOW THE NUMBER LOWER THAN THE ACTUAL NUMBER. 2 | P a g e. Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh 2. Historical Background of the Santals SINCE HOW LONG THE SANTALS LANDED IN THE TERRITORY OF PRESENT BANGLADESH, IS NOT PRECISELY KNOWN. SOME BELIEVE THAT THE KHERWARS REACHED THE LAND OF BENGAL IMMEDIATELY AFTER THE FIRST CLASHES WITH THE INVADING ARYAN TRIBES (2500 B. C. ). WITH EVERY PROBABILITY THE SANTALS LANDED IN BANGLADESH WITH THEIR ACTUAL ETHNIC IDENTITY, NOT AFTER 1000 B. C. IT IS PROBABLE THAT THE SANTALS SCATTERED THROUGHOUT BENGAL AT THE TIME OF THE MUSLIM INVASION OF THIS REGION DURING THE LAST DECADES OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY OR AT THE BEGINNING OF THIRTEENTH CENTURY. IN THE WORDS OF FR. LUIZI PUSSETTO: â€Å"THE SANTALS RETIRED PROGRESSIVELY TOWARD MORE CALM REGIONS OR WHERE IT WAS MORE EASY TO DEFEND [THEMSELVES] FROM THE INVADERS†¦ † IN LATER TIMES, WITH THE HISTORIC SANTAL REVOLUTION IN 1855 UNDER THE BRITISH COLONIAL RULE IN THE INDIAN SUBCONTINENT, WHEN 30,000 THOUSAND SANTALS ARE BELIEVED TO HAVE BEEN KILLED, IT IS BEYOND ANY DOUBT THAT MANY OF THE SANTALS WERE DISPERSED INTO DISTANT LANDS AND GEOGRAPHICALLY ISOLATED TERRITORIES. MANY OF THEM EVEN CROSSED THE RIVER GANGES AND END UP IN THE EAST, THE PART OF PRESENT BANGLADESH. MANY THINK THAT THE EARLY SANTALS CAME TO NORTH BENGAL IN SEARCH FOR JOB OPPORTUNITIES, ESPECIALLY WHEN THE RAILWAY TRACKS WERE UNDER CONSTRUCTION during the British rule in the second half of the 19th century. This may be one of THE REASONS THAT MOST SANTALS IN BANGLADESH ARE FOUND SETTLING ON BOTH SIDES OF THE RAILWAY LINES FROM NORTH TO SOUTH. 2. 1 THE NAME â€Å"SANTAL†: REGARDING THE NAME SANTAL, OPINIONS DIFFER AMONG THE SCHOLARS. FOR SKREFSRUD, THE NAME SANTAL IS A CORRUPTION OF SAONTAR, AND WAS ADOPTED BY THE TRIBE AFTER THEIR SOJOURN FOR SEVERAL GENERATIONS IN THE COUNTRY AROUND SAONT IN MIDNAPUR. W. B. OLDHAM OPINED THAT SANTAL IS AN ABBREVIATION OF SAMANTAWALA, WHICH HAS ITS ETYMOLOGY FROM SANSKRIT SAMANTA, ANOTHER NAME GIVEN TO THE COUNTRY AROUND SAONT. O’MALLEY IS OF THE OPINION THAT SANTAL IS AN ENGLISH FORM ADOPTED FROM HINDI WHICH CORRESPONDS WITH THE FORM SAOTAL USED BY THE BENGALI SPEAKING PEOPLE. MOST ANTHROPOLOGISTS AGREE THAT SANTAL IS A NAME GIVEN TO THIS TRIBE BY NON-SANTALS. HOWEVER, SANTALS PREFER TO CALL THEMSELVES HOR MEANING â€Å"HUMAN BEING OR PERSON. † FOR THE SANTALS THE CONCEPT HOR BEARS A RICH CONNOTATION TO MEAN A PERSON WITH QUALITIES OF INTELLECT, OF KNOWLEDGE, OF WISDOM; THEY REFER THEMSELVES AS A TRIBE WITH DIGNITY AND FULL HUMAN POTENTIALITY. THE SANTALS ARE PROUD OF THEIR IDENTITY THAT DEFINES THE TRAITS OF SOLIDARITY AND UNIQUENESS AS A GROUP. 3 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh 2. 2 ORIGIN, RACE, AND LANGUAGE: AS TO THE â€Å"ORIGIN† OF THE SANTALS, VERY LITTLE IS KNOWN FOR CERTAIN. THE SANTALS HAVE NO RECORDED HISTORY. LIKE OTHER ANCIENT SOCIETIES, SANTALS HAVE TRIED TO EXPLORE THE MYSTERIES OF CREATION, HISTORY AND LIFE BY MEANS OF MYTHS AND LEGENDS. FOLLOWING THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL DATA, SOME AUTHORS CLASSIFY SANTALS AS PRE-DRAVIDIAN AND OTHERS AS PROTO-AUSTROLOIDS; AND OTHERS AS ABORIGINALS OF THE NORTHWEST. THUS, THE OPINIONS IN THIS RESPECT ARE VERY DISCORDANT. THE SANTALS DO HAVE THEIR OWN MYTHOLOGY OF CREATION AND MANY BELIEVE THAT THEY ALL HAVE COME FROM PILCU HARAM AND PILCU BUDHI, WHICH IS LIKE ADAM AND EVE IN THE BIBLE. SANTALI IS THE MOTHER TONGUE SPOKEN BY THE SANTALS. IT IS A MUNDA LANGUAGE OF THE KHERWAR GROUP THAT BELONGS TO THE MUNDA-MON-KHMER OR ‘AUSTRO-ASIATIC’ SUB-FAMILY. BUT THERE ARE OTHER DIFFERENT OPINIONS ON THIS TOO. ACCORDING TO N. PRASAD, â€Å"SANTALI IS THE RICHEST DIALECT AMONG ALL THE TRIBAL DIALECTS OF BIHAR. † 2. 3 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION: IN BANGLADESH, THE SANTALS ARE FOUND MOSTLY IN NORTH BENGAL (NORTHERN PART OF BANGLADESH) ESPECIALLY IN THE THEN GREATER DISTRICTS OF DINAJPUR, RANGPUR, BOGRA, AND RAJSHAHI. ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1881, THE SANTALS RESULTED PRESENT IN THE DISTRICT OF KHULNA, PABNA AND CHITTAGONG IN THE SOUTH. MANY SAY THAT THE SANTALS, WHO ARE IN SYLHET, ARE THE ONES WHO MIGRATED FROM THE DISTRICTS MENTIONED ABOVE AND CAME HERE MAINLY TO WORK IN THE TEA GARDENS AS LABORERS. IN SHORT, THE SANTALS OF BANGLADESH ARE ALMOST ALL DERIVED FROM THOSE EMIGRATED FROM THE SANTAL PARGANA IN INDIA AND NOTHING DISTINGUISHES THEM FROM THOSE WHO ARE STILL LIVING THERE, WITH THE EXCEPTION, PERHAPS OF THE USE OF BANGLA WORDS THAT ARE SANTALIZED. IN RECENT TIMES SOME OF THE BANGLADESHI SANTALS ALSO STARTED GOING ABROAD TAKING EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITIES. 4 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh 3. THE WORLDVIEW THE SANTALS ARE SIMPLE AND UNSOPHISTICATED PEOPLE. LIKE ANY OTHER PEOPLE, THE SANTALS HAVE DEVELOPED THEIR OWN WORLDVIEW, A SYSTEM SUITED TO DEAL WITH THE BASIC PROBLEMS OF LIFE AND ITS MEANING. THEY HAVE PERCEIVED THE ENIGMA AND THE BASIC DICHOTOMY OF HUMAN EXISTENCE—LIFE AND DEATH, GOOD AND EVIL FROM THEIR OWN PERSPECTIVE. FOR THE SANTALS, LIFE, HEALTH, WEALTH, PROSPERITY, HAPPINESS, TRIBAL SOLIDARITY, RELIGIOUS BELIEF, MORES, ETC., ARE â€Å"GOOD†; AND DEATH, ILLNESS, POVERTY, MISFORTUNE, INJURY ETC. ARE â€Å"EVIL†. THEIR RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCES IS MEDIATED THROUGH THEIR CULTURE AND ARE EXPRESSED IN TERMS OF SYMBOLS, METAPHORS, MYTH, LEGENDS, FOLKLORE, SONGS, CULT, RITUALS AND SO ON. THE Santals consider Th kur Jiu ? (Life Giver) or Cando Baba (Sun Father) or Marang BURU (GREAT MOUNTAIN) AS THE SOURCE OF ALL â€Å"GOOD†; WHILE IT IS THE â€Å"EVIL EYE†, THE â€Å"evil mouth† and the b ric’ bonga ? or malevolent spirits who cause harms in human LIFE. THEREFORE, WHILE ACKNOWLEDGING THE SUPREME BEING, THEY ALSO PROPITIATE THE BONGA IN AN ATTEMPT TO SOLVE THE PROBLEMS OF SUFFERING, SICKNESS, AND OTHER CRISIS. ALL THESE QUITE OFTEN LEAD THEM TO SUPERSTITIOUS BELIEFS AND GIVE RISE TO PROMINENCE OF THE FEAR OF THE BONGA. FOR THE SANTALS EVERY NEWBORN CHILD COMING FROM THE INVISIBLE AND SHADOWY WORLD NEEDS TO BE PURIFIED, IDENTIFIED AND INTRODUCED TO THE SANTAL SOCIETY. MUCH OF SUCH REALITIES ARE EXPRESSED THROUGH THE RITUAL CEREMONIES PERFORMED AFTER A CHILD IS born. The ritual of the janam ch ti r? ? (birth purification and name-giving ritual) is ONE EXAMPLE WHERE THESE ASPECTS ARE ENACTED THROUGH BATHING, SHAVING THE HEAD OF THE BABY, DIVINING OF ARWA RICE (UNBOILED RICE) GRAINS AND WELCOMING OF THE BABY BY THE COMMUNITY. THE DEATH PURIFICATION CEREMONIES LIKE FUNERAL RITES OF BHANDAN, OR MORA KARAM (AFTER-DEATH CELEBRATION) PROVIDE FURTHER DETAILS OF THE SANTAL-BELIEF SYSTEM THAT THE DEAD PERSON GOES BACK TO THE SAME SPIRIT-WORLD OF LIFE FROM WHERE HE/. SHE HAD COME AS A BABY AND REMAINS DEFILED AND DEFILING, FOR WHICH REASON NOT ONLY THE FAMILY THAT NEEDS PURIFICATION, BUT THE VERY RETURN OF THE DECEASED PERSON TO ITS ORIGINAL STATE OR SHADOWY-WORLD IS ALREADY DEFILING BECAUSE IT IS A TRIBELESS-STATE, CONDEMNED AND SINFUL STATE AND BECAUSE IT HAS BEEN CREATED FOR THE PUNISHMENT OF THE SINS OF GREED AND PRIDE. HENCE, THE DECEASED PERSON NEEDS TO BE BROUGHT BACK 5 |P a g e. Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh SPIRITUALLY TO HIS/HER OWN FAMILY AND IS INSTALLED AS AN INVISIBLE MEMBER AS HAPRAM (ANCESTOR). THE DECEASED, ALTHOUGH INVISIBLE, REMAIN A PERMANENT MEMBER OF THE FAMILY AND ARE REMEMBERED AND RESPECTED DURING ALL THEIR FAMILY OCCASIONS. THE SANTALS BELIEVE THAT â€Å"WHEN [A] HUMAN BEING BECOMES PERFECTLY FREE FROM ALL GREED AND PRIDE THIS STATE WILL BE REMOVED AND THAT WILL BE THE NEW CREATION, WHICH IN CHRISTIANITY MAY BE COMPARED WITH THE STATE OF SALVATION. FOR THE SANTALS, THERE IS NO CLEAR DISTINCTION BETWEEN THE SACRED AND THE PROFANE, RELIGIOUS AND NON-RELIGIOUS, SPIRITUAL AND THE MATERIAL AREAS OF LIFE. ANIMALS AND THE MATERIAL WORLD ARE AT THE DISPOSAL OF HUMAN BEINGS FOR THEIR SELF-PRESERVATION AND WELL-BEING. MOREOVER, SANTAL-LIFE IS CLOSELY RELATED TO NATURE AND TO THE WHOLE OF CREATION. LAND AND FOREST REMAIN UNITED WITH SANTAL-IDENTITY AND ARE VERY MUCH REFLECTED IN THEIR LIVES, LOVE, POETRY, SONGS, DANCE AND MUSIC. THE SANTALS, FOR EXAMPLE, ADDRESS TO THE â€Å"SUPREME BEING† AS CANDO BABA (SUN FATHER) AND THE STARS TOO HAVE DIFFERENT NAMES. ACCORDING TO ARCHER, â€Å"ALTHOUGH FIELDS, HOUSES, MEN AND WOMEN SEEM TO CONSTITUTE A SANTAL VILLAGE, SANTALS REGARD THEM AS AT MOST A PORTION OF THEIR TOTAL WORLD. † 6 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh 4. THE SANTALS IN THEIR SOCIO-CULTURAL REALITIES 4. 1 THE SANTAL-VILLAGE: THE SANTAL VILLAGE IS A PATTERN OF SANTAL LIVING AND IT IS THE MOST TRADITIONAL AND ANCIENT INSTITUTION, WHICH CRYSTALLIZES THE WHOLE SYSTEM OF SOCIAL, POLITICAL, AND RITUAL STRUCTURES. IT COMES INTO EXISTENCE THROUGH THE SPECIAL DISPENSATION OF THE BONGA AND IS SANCTIFIED BY THEIR BLESSINGS. THE PRESENCE OF DIFFERENT CLANS IN A VILLAGE DEMONSTRATES THE BEAUTY OF A COMMUNITY LIVING AND OBVIOUSLY THE DEMOCRATIC CHARACTER OF THE VILLAGE ADMINISTRATION ITSELF IS A SIGN OF INCREDIBLE RICHNESS OF THE SANTAL SOCIETAL DEALING AND LIVING. A SANTAL VILLAGE IS DEMARCATED WITH AN IMPLICIT BOUNDARY SO THAT IT MAY REMAIN FREE FROM OUTSIDE INTERFERENCE OF EVIL SPIRITS. THE SANTALS BELIEVE THAT QUARRELS AMONG FAMILIES AND GROUPS IN THE VILLAGE, NATURAL CALAMITIES, SICKNESS, EPIDEMICS, ETC. , ARE CAUSED BY LACK OF BALANCE BETWEEN THE FORCES OF GOOD AND EVIL. 4. 2 SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF SANTAL VILLAGE: THE PRIMARY FEATURE OF EVERY SANTAL VILLAGE IS THE â€Å"MANJHI COUNCIL† OR THE VILLAGE COUNCIL HEADED BY A MANJHI (HEADMAN). THE VILLAGE COUNCIL IS THE REPRESENTATIVE BODY OF THE COMMUNITY CONSISTING OF SEVEN OFFICIALS, NAMELY: MANJHI, PARANIK (A DEPUTY HEADMAN), JOG MANJHI (AN OVERSEER OF THE VILLAGE ON MORAL ISSUES), JOG PARANIK (ASSISTANT TO JOG MANJHI), GODET’ (A MESSENGER), NAEKE (A village priest), and his assistant is Kud m Naeke?. These OFFICIALS IN FACT ARE THE SERVANTS, NOT THE MASTERS OF THE village and their role is purely functional. The M njhi? remains as the overall LEADER OF THE VILLAGE COUNCIL AND PRESIDES OVER THE VILLAGE MEETING BUT WITH THE ACCEPTED PRINCIPLE THAT NO ONE OVERRULES ANY ONE ELSE. THE FUNCTIONS OF THE COUNCIL ON THE OTHER HAND, ARE CATEGORICALLY DIVIDED AMONG THE MEMBERS IN ORDER TO AVOID ANY OVERLAPPING. THE COUNCIL MEMBERS PERFORM THEIR FUNCTIONS IN ACCORDANCE WITH THEIR TRIBAL CUSTOMS AND TRADITIONS. THE PATTERN OF THE VILLAGE GOVERNANCE OF THE SANTALS IS MOSTLY DEMOCRATIC IN CHARACTER LIKE ANY OTHER DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTION. HOWEVER IN PRESENT TIME, WITH THE INTRODUCTION OF THE GOVERNMENT-SPONSORED UNION PARISAD (LOCAL ADMINISTRATIVE COUNCIL) THE SOCIAL CONTROL OF THE TRADITIONAL m njhi ? council of the Santals is mostly undermined. 7 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh FOLLOWING THE PATRIARCHAL PATTERN, THE MANJHI (LEADER) OF THE VILLAGE FOR THE SANTALS, IS ALWAYS A MALE. THE TITLE OF THE MANJHI IS GENERALLY HEREDITARY AND IT IS PASSED ON PATRILINEALLY. NOW-A-DAYS, THE MALE MEMBERS OF THE VILLAGE MAY ELECT OR EVEN SELECT THEIR OWN HEADMAN UPON COMMON CONSENSUS. THE TERM OF OFFICE IS INDEFINITE BUT CAN BE ALTERED BY GENERAL AGREEMENT ACCORDING TO THE NEED. ALTHOUGH THE OFFICE OF THE HEADMAN IS VOLUNTARY AND HONORARY IN NATURE, THE MEMBERS OF THE MANJHI COUNCIL ARE RESPONSIBLE TO THE COMMUNITY FOR THE SMOOTH RUNNING OF THE VILLAGE PARTICULARLY FOR SOCIAL MATTERS. 4. 3 THE CLANS: SANTALS ARE ENDOGAMIC AS A PEOPLE BECAUSE THEY CANNOT GET MARRIED OUTSIDE THEIR TRIBE, BUT THEY ARE EXOGAMIC AS CLAN BECAUSE THEY CANNOT BE married between the same clan (p ris? ). Traditionally the Santals used to have FOSTERED A TOTAL OF TWELVE CLANS BUT UNFORTUNATELY IN THE COURSE OF HISTORY ONE HAS BEEN MISSING. THE CLANS ARE: 1) BASKEY, 2) BESRA, 3) CORE, 4) HASDAK’, 5) Hembrom, 6) Kisku, 7) Marandi, 8) Murmu, 9) P uria, 10) Soren, 11) Tudu, and ? 12) BEDEA (THE LOST ONE). MAJOR FUNCTIONS OF THE CLANS ARE TO REGULATE MARRIAGE, INHERITANCE, SUCCESSION AND AFFILIATION (ALI 1988; ALSO HOSSAIN 2000). ONE BECOMES A CLAN MEMBER BY BIRTH. IT IS SAID THAT THESE CLANS ARE HIERARCHICALLY ORDERED ON THE BASIS OF OCCUPATION, LIKE: Kisku raja (king), Marandi Kipis r ? (wealthy or richer), Murmu Th kur ? (priest), Soren Sip hi ? (warrior), Tudu M nd ri ? ? ? (musician), and so on and so forth. HOWEVER, ACCORDING TO THE RESEARCHER, THESE OCCUPATIONAL HIERARCHIES OF STATUS DO NOT HAVE ANY IMPACT ON THE SANTALS IN DAILY LIVES. 4. 4. FAMILY AND MARRIAGE: FAMILY IS THE PRIMARY UNIT OF HUMAN SOCIETY. THE FAMILY AMONG THE SANTALS CAN BE TERMED AS OF BIOLOGICAL, JOINT, AND EXTENDED. A. HUSBAND, HIS WIFE AND THEIR UNMARRIED CHILDREN FORM PART OF THE BIOLOGICAL OR NUCLEAR FAMILY. A HUSBAND, HIS WIFE AND HIS MARRIED AND UNMARRIED SONS AND DAUGHTERS AND SOMETIMES HIS OLD PARENTS, BROTHER AND HIS FAMILY FORM PART OF THE JOINT FAMILY OR EXTENDED FAMILY TYPE. ACCORDING TO THE SANTALS, MARRIAGE IS AN UNION BETWEEN A MAN AND A WOMAN, WHICH IS SOCIALLY RECOGNIZED; CULTURALLY AND RELIGIOUSLY IT ALLOWS THE COUPLE TO LIVE IN A FAMILY. A SANTAL MARRIAGE CAN BE DESCRIBED ALSO AS A LEGAL TRANSFER OF DEPENDENCY OF THE 8 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh BRIDE, FROM HER FATHER’S FAMILY TO THE GROOM’S FAMILY. BY THIS TRANSFER, THE GROOM’S FAMILY DOES NOT ONLY ASSUME GUARDIANSHIP BUT ALSO ASSUMES CONTROL OVER ALL HER AFFAIRS. THROUGH MARRIAGE THE BRIDE LOOSES HER PATERNAL LEGAL IDENTITY AND ACQUIRES THE IDENTITY OF THE GROOM’S FAMILY. IN THE INSTITUTIONAL SENSE, MARRIAGE IS THE PARTNERSHIP BETWEEN A MAN AND A WOMAN REGULATED BY CUSTOMARY LAWS THAT ENHANCE LEGAL UNION BETWEEN THE SEXES AND DEFINE THE PROCEDURES FOR ESTABLISHING THE HUSBAND-WIFE RELATION, THE RECIPROCAL OBLIGATIONS AND THE ACCEPTED RESTRICTIONS UPON ITS PERSONNEL. AS TO THE ORIGIN AND INSTITUTION OF MARRIAGE, THE SANTALS BELIEVE THAT THE CREATOR. HIMSELF HAS ESTABLISHED MARRIAGE. THAT IS, THE THAKUR JIU WHO CREATED THE FIRST HUMAN PAIR (PILCU HARAM AND PILCU BUDHI) HAS ALSO INSTITUTED MARRIAGE. ALTHOUGH THERE ARE SOME INSTANCES OF POLYGAMY, MONOGAMY IS THE NATURE OF MOST SANTAL MARRIAGES. BESIDES SERVING SEXUAL NEEDS AND PROCREATION OF HEIRS, A SANTAL MARRIAGE HAS ALSO OTHER PURPOSES, SUCH AS COMPANIONSHIP, FORMATION OF FAMILY, ECONOMIC SECURITY, COOPERATION IN THE FAMILY ENTERPRISE, SOCIAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL SECURITY, ETC. THUS, SANTAL MARRIAGE IS NOT ONLY BETWEEN TWO PERSONS OF OPPOSITE SEX BUT IT ALSO BECOMES A BOND OF UNION BETWEEN TWO FAMILIES, TWO VILLAGES, AND. ALSO INFLUENCES THE CIRCLE OF RELATIONSHIP AMONG THE RELATIVES. M. A. JALIL MENTIONS FOUR TYPES OF MARRIAGE AMONG THE SANTALS IN BANGLADESH. THESE ARE: 1) DANGWA BAPLA (CONTACT MARRIAGE), 2) ANGIR BAPLA (LOVE MARRIAGE), 3) OR BAPLA (FORCE MARRIAGE), AND 4) ITUT’ BAPLA (TACTICAL MARRIAGE). MOREOVER, SANTALS DO HAVE EXCEPTIONS ESPECIALLY IN THE CASE OF MARRIAGE BETWEEN CANDIDATES OF THE SAME CLAN. FOR EXAMPLE, WHEN THE MARRIAGE OF A YOUNG COUPLE OF THE SAME CLAN FOR A VALID REASON BECOMES NECESSARY, AND CONSANGUINITY OR AFFINITY DOES NOT PREVENT IT, THEY APPLY A JURIDICAL PRETENSE. IN SUCH CASE, AN ELDERLY COUPLE OF A DIFFERENT CLAN, ADOPTS THE BRIDE AS THEIR DAUGHTER THROUGH A SIMPLE RITUAL CEREMONY AND GIVES THE PROPER NAME TO HER. 4. 5 ANNUAL FESTIVALS AND CEREMONIES: THE SANTAL SOCIETY IS MARKED WITH FEASTS, FESTIVALS AND RITUAL CELEBRATIONS. ONE OF THE TERMS OFTEN used by the Santals is r sk? ? meaning happiness, or joy, WHICH IS NOT ONLY DEAR TO THEIR HEARTS BUT IS PART AND PARCEL OF THEIR LIFE. THUS, WE FIND DANCING AND SINGING HAVE A VERY IMPORTANT ROLE AT EVERY FESTIVAL OCCASION. IT BRINGS A SANTAL TO FORGET WORRIES AND STRESSES OF HIS OR HER 9 | P a g e. Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh DAY-TO-DAY LIFE. IN THE SOCIAL LIFE OF THE SANTALS, FEASTS AND FESTIVALS HAVE GREAT SIGNIFICANCE FOR THESE ARE THE LIVING EXPRESSION OF THE DEEP ASPIRATION OF JOY AND HAPPINESS, AND ALSO DEMONSTRATE THE FEELING OF COMMUNITY AND SOLIDARITY INTEGRATED AS PART OF THE NATURE OF THE SANTALS. MANY OF SUCH CHARACTERISTICS ARE EXPRESSED IN SONGS, MUSIC AND IN DANCE. IN FACT, THE SANTALS DON’T GIVE ANY SPACE TO INDIVIDUALISM AND IT IS REALLY DURING THE FEASTS AND FESTIVALS THAT AN INDIVIDUAL REALIZES HIMSELF OR HERSELF IN THE COMMUNITY AND HIS OR HER FUTURE ROLE IN THE LIFE OF. THE COMMUNITY. ALTHOUGH, MOST OF THESE FESTIVALS SEEMINGLY APPEAR AS MERE GATHERING OF CLOSE FRIENDS AND RELATIVES, INDIVIDUALS OF THE SAME SUB-CLAN OR THAT CONCERN ONLY THE INHABITANTS OF A VILLAGE; YET, THERE ARE ALSO OCCASIONS THAT INVOLVE MORE VILLAGES, AS IT USUALLY HAPPENS ON THE OCCASION OF MARRIAGE WHEN PARTICIPATION IS MOSTLY UNANIMOUS. IN ANY OF THESE FEASTS AND FESTIVALS, THERE ARE CERTAIN RITES AND RITUALS BEING FOLLOWED OFTEN ACCOMPANIED BY SIMPLE OFFERING AT THE CENTER. ABLUTIONS AND UNCTION OF OIL, THE USE OF VERMILION TO MARK THE SACRIFICIAL VICTIM AND EVEN BEING USED BY THE. PARTICIPANTS, BEARS A GREATER SIGNIFICANCE. IN FACT, SOME OF THESE FESTIVAL PERFORMANCES CONSIST OF SOME SORT OF WORSHIP OR FOLK CULTS. FROM THE RITES AND FESTIVALS OF THE SANTALS, IT IS QUITE CLEAR THAT THEIR ECONOMIC LIFE, SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND RITUAL PERFORMANCES ARE INTERWOVEN MAINLY AROUND AGRICULTURE. THE SANTALS BELIEVE THAT THE ASPECTS OF MATERIAL LIFE MUST BE PROTECTED AND GUARDED BY APPROPRIATE RITES AND FESTIVALS; AND BONGA (SPIRITS) MUST BE SATISFIED BY GIVING THEIR DUE SHARES. MANY OF THE SOCIO-CULTURAL FESTIVALS AND RITUALISTIC CELEBRATIONS INDICATE THAT SANTALS. HAVE DEEPER INSIGHTS THAT GO BEYOND MERE EXTERNAL CELEBRATIONS. HOWEVER, DUE TO THE SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF THIS STUDY, WE ONLY MENTION SOME MAIN ANNUAL FESTIVALS AND CEREMONIES COMMONLY OBSERVED LIKE: SOHORAE (HARVEST FESTIVAL), BAHA (FLOWER festival), Erok’ (sowing of rice seeds in the field), Iri-Gundli N wai? (offering of THE FIRST FRUITS OF THE MILLET IRI), JANTHAR (OFFERING OF THE FIRST FRUITS OF THE WINTER RICE CROP). SANTALS ALSO HAVE OCCASIONAL RITES AND FESTIVALS, WHICH ARE NEITHER ASSOCIATED WITH AGRICULTURAL OPERATIONS NOR PERFORMED ANNUALLY. SOME OF THESE ARE: JOM SIM, MAK’ MORE AND KARAM. 10 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh 5. SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL REALITIES 5. 1 OCCUPATIONS AND LIVING: TRADITIONALLY SANTALS ARE MAINLY AGRICULTURISTS. THEY CLING TO THEIR LAND AS THEIR PRINCIPAL OCCUPATION AND MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE. ABOUT 95% OF THE SANTALS ARE INVOLVED IN AGRICULTURAL OPERATIONS. INDUSTRIOUS AND HARDWORKING AS THEY ARE, UNFORTUNATELY THE SCIENTIFIC SIDE OF THEIR KNOWLEDGE ABOUT CULTIVATION AND MANAGING THEIR LAND HAS NOT BEEN DEVELOPED. IN THE PAST THE MAJORITY OF THE SANTALS WERE LANDOWNERS, BUT DUE TO THE INCREASE IN POPULATION, EXPLOITATION BY MONEYLENDERS AND LANDLORDS, ILLEGAL. OCCUPATION OF THEIR LAND, POVERTY AND ILLITERACY, NATURAL CALAMITIES ETC. THE VAST MAJORITY OF THE SANTALS IN BANGLADESH HAVE LOST THEIR LAND PROPERTIES. AT PRESENT, NEARLY 80% OF THE SANTALS ARE LAND-LESS, FORCING THEM TO EARN THEIR LIVELIHOOD DEPENDING ON THE MERCY AND AVAILABILITY OF WORK IN THE FIELDS OF THEIR MUSLIM OR HINDU NEIGHBORS FOR THEIR MERE SUBSISTENCE. YET, IT IS SIGNIFICANT TO NOTE THAT TRADITIONALLY THERE ARE NO BEGGARS AMONG THE SANTALS. RATHER, THE SANTALS IN THE TIME OF DIRE POVERTY GO TO THE JUNGLE TO COLLECT WILD PLANTS, FRUITS, WILD POTATOES AND ROOTS OF YOUNG SHOOTS, FLOWERS, MUSHROOMS, ETC. HUNTING AND FISHING THAT USED TO BE PART OF SANTAL-LIVING, HAVE NOW BECOME SECONDARY IMPORTANCE DUE TO THE CHANGE OF SITUATION. LACK OF EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITIES IN THE VILLAGE AREAS, ALSO FORCED MANY SANTALS TO FLOCK TO THE NEARBY TOWNS AND CITIES IN SEARCH OF DAILY WAGES AND JOBS. THE WOMEN IN SANTAL SOCIETY PLAY AN IMPORTANT ROLE IN MAINTAINING THEIR FAMILIES BUT IN REALITY THEY REMAIN DEPRIVED OF THEIR EQUAL RIGHT, WHICH IS REFLECTED BY THE FACT THAT WOMEN ARE NOT ELIGIBLE FOR THE INHERITANCE OF PROPERTIES. SANTALS HAVE NEVER BEEN FOUND TO BE INTERESTED IN COMMERCE OR ANY SUCH PROFESSION. TO AVAIL OF ECONOMIC SELF-RELIANCE. THIS IS ONE OF THE REASONS WHY THEY REMAIN RATHER MARGINALIZED INVITING POVERTY IN THEIR LIVES. MOREOVER, MOST SANTALS DO NOT THINK ABOUT FUTURE, RATHER THEY ARE MORE CONCERNED FOR THE DAY; IT’S A DAY-TO-DAY LIVING AND THEY REMAIN SATISFIED AND HAPPY WITH THE LITTLE THEY CAN HAVE FOR MAINTAINING THEIR FAMILY. HOWEVER, DUE TO SOME PROGRESS IN EDUCATION, A SMALL NUMBER OF SANTALS HAVE BEEN ABLE TO MAKE LITTLE CHANGES IN THEIR WAY OF LIVING. 11 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh SOME HAVE TAKEN UP MODERN PROFESSIONS LIKE TEACHINGS, TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE, JUDICIAL ADVOCACY, NURSING ETC. 5. 2 POLITICAL REALITY: SANTALS, A PEACE LOVING PEOPLE HAVE NEVER BEEN FOUND INTERESTED IN POLITICS. YET, THEY HAVE ALWAYS REACTED WHEN THINGS WENT SEVERELY PAINFUL AND THEY WERE PUSHED AGAINST THE WALL WHEN THEY COULD NOT BEAR ANYMORE. THE HISTORIC SANTAL REVOLUTION IN 1855-56, THE TEBHAGA ANDOLON (SHARE CROPPERS’ MOVEMENT) IN 1945, AND THE NACHOL BIDROHO (FARMERS’ REVOLUTION) IN THE YEAR 1950, ARE THE CONCRETE EXAMPLES OF THE PAST. IN FACT, SANTALS HAVE ALWAYS BEEN USED BY OTHERS IN THE FOREFRONT BATTLE. ILLITERACY, ABSENCE OF ORGANIZATIONAL SET UP AND LACK OF GENUINE. LEADERSHIP HAVE KEPT THE SANTALS FAR FROM ACHIEVING ANY END RESULT. IN RECENT YEARS, SOME OF THE SANTALS HAVE BEEN FOUND TO TAKE ACTIVE ROLE IN THE LOCAL POLITICS BY THEIR PARTICIPATION IN THE LOCAL ELECTION. 12 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh 6. BELIEFS AND RITUAL PRACTICES 6. 1 THE BELIEF IN ONE SUPREME BEING: AS IT HAS ALREADY BEEN MENTIONED EARLIER, SANTALS DO BELIEVE IN ONE â€Å"SUPREME BEING† WHOM THEY CALL THAKUR JIU (LIFE GIVER) OR MARANG BURU (GREAT MOUNTAIN) WHO IS CONSIDERED TO BE THE â€Å"SUPREME† AMONG ALL THE â€Å"RELIGIOUS BEINGS†. THE MOST COMMON SANTAL-TERM USED FOR THE SUPREME BEING. THESE DAYS IS CANDO BABA (SUN FATHER). ACCORDING TO THE EXPERIENCE OF THE RESEARCHER THE SANTALS HERE DO NOT REFER LITERALLY TO THE SUN ITSELF RATHER, IT IS AN EXPRESSION OF A DIVINE ACTIVITY: EXPRESSION OF DIVINE LOVE IN RELATION TO HUMAN BEINGS. FOR THE SANTALS, CANDO BABA IS A BENEVOLENT DEITY WHO ORGANIZES THE DAYS AND NIGHTS AND IS RESPONSIBLE FOR HEAT AND COLD, RAIN AND SUNSHINE; AND FROM A DWELLING ‘SOMEWHERE IN THE SKY’, ALLOTS EACH SANTAL A TERM OF LIFE HERE ON EARTH. BUT, HE STAYS FAR AWAY, FAR ABOVE THE SKY AND CANNOT BE REACHED. IT IS UNDERNEATH. THE SUN, BENEATH THE CLOUDS, THAT SANTAL LIFE IS CHALLENGED. HERE THE BONGA ROAM AROUND AND ONLY BY COMING TO TERMS WITH THEM CAN SANTALS BE HAPPY. 6. 2 THE BELIEF IN BONGA (SPIRITS): THE SANTALS BELIEVE IN THE EXISTENCE OF THE SPIRITS WHO ARE CALLED BONGA. THE BONGA HAVE MUCH REPERCUSSION ON DAILY LIVING OF THE SANTALS. TO ENSURE THEIR CONTINUING CARE, BESIDE ANNUAL SACRIFICES, THE BONGA ARE REMEMBERED IN A DAILY BASIS. WHENEVER A MEAL IS TAKEN, A SMALL PORTION OF THE FOOD IS DROPPED ON THE FLOOR FOR THE BONGA, OR AT THE TIME WHENEVER RICE-BEER IS DRUNK, A LITTLE IS SPILT ON THE GROUND FOR MARANG BURU. THUS, THE SANTALS LIVE NOT ONLY IN THEIR TRIBAL SOCIETY BUT IN A GREATER SOCIETY CONSISTING OF SUPERNATURAL BEINGS AS WELL. IN PRACTICE, THE SANTALS OFTEN USE THE TERM BONGA MEANING â€Å"TO INCORPORATE† SOMEONE INTO THE SOCIETY BY DOING CERTAIN RITUAL. THE PHRASE USED IN THIS CASE IS: BONGA TALA KEDEAKO MEANING, HE/SHE HAS BEEN ADMITTED INTO SANTAL SOCIETY. ACCORDING TO THE SANTAL RELIGIOUS BELIEF THERE ARE TWO TYPES OF BONGA—THE MALEVOLENT AND THE BENEVOLENT ONES. THE BONGA-WORSHIP IS PRIMARILY TO PLEASE AND TO INVOKE THE POWERS OF THE BENEVOLENT BONGA AND TO AVERT THE ILL WILL OF THE MALEVOLENT BONGA. IN THE WORSHIP OF BONGA WE CAN DISTINGUISH ANALYTICALLY TWO INTERRELATED ASPECTS: 13 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh A) THE OBJECTIVE ASPECT OF THE RELIGIOUS RITES IS TO HAVE AN ALLIANCE WITH THE BENEVOLENT BONGA AND THEREBY CONTROLLING OR EVEN DEFEATING THE POWERS OF THE MALEVOLENT BONGA; AND B) THE EXPRESSIVE ASPECT OF THE WORSHIP IS MANIFESTED THROUGH VARIOUS SEASONAL AND RELIGIOUS RITES, FESTIVALS AND RITES ASSOCIATED WITH VARIOUS SOCIAL RITUALS. SANTALS HAVE AN INNATE RELATIONSHIP WITH THEIR BONGA AND CONSIDER THEMSELVES LIVING WITH THEM. THIS RELATIONSHIP IS MOSTLY OF DEPENDENCE, SUBMISSION, PROPITIATION AND REVERENTIAL FEAR. THE SANTALS DO SUPPLICATIONS; OFFER RICE-BEER; AND ANIMAL SACRIFICES IN THE NAME OF THE BONGA. IT IS WORTH MENTIONING THAT THERE ARE INSTANCES AMONG THE SANTALS IN THE RURAL VILLAGES WHERE PERSONS EVEN IN TIME OF SERIOUS SICKNESS WOULD NOT LOOK FOR MEDICAL HELP INSTEAD LEAVE IT TO THE BONGA TO BE CURED. 6. 3 BELIEF IN WITCHCRAFT: RELATED TO SANTAL BELIEF-SYSTEM, IS ALSO THE EXISTENCE OF WITCHES. THE SANTALS BELIEVE THAT THERE ARE CERTAIN PEOPLE, ESPECIALLY WOMEN, WHO POSSESS SPECIAL POWER AND TECHNIQUES TO HARM PEOPLE, CATTLE, AND CROPS. THESE SO-CALLED WITCHES ARE INVOLVED IN DOING HARMFUL ACTIVITIES LIKE GIVING POISONS, TAKING OUT HUMAN LIVERS, SENDING TROUBLESOME SPIRITS TO CERTAIN FAMILIES AND CHANGING THEMSELVES INTO BLACK CATS. BECAUSE OF SUCH BELIEF IN WITCHCRAFT PRACTICES, THE SANTALS EASILY SUSPECT ONE ANOTHER, AND ARE OFTEN LED TO FIGHT. IT IS PRESUMED THAT IT IS ESSENTIAL TO HAVE SUCH A BELIEF ESPECIALLY IN THE PAGAN WORLD. HOWEVER, THERE IS ALSO A COUNTER-BELIEF AMONG THE SANTALS THAT THERE ARE CERTAIN PEOPLE OJHA-JANGURU (SPECIALISTS), MAINLY MEN, WHO POSSESS SPECIAL POWER AND TECHNIQUES FOR DETECTING WITCHES AND NULLIFYING THEIR SPELLS. THUS, WHENEVER SANTALS GET INTO TROUBLE, THEY SEEK THE HELP OF THESE PEOPLE WHO, MORE OFTEN EXPLOIT THE SOCIETY. REFERRING TO THE SICKNESS AND OTHER PROBLEMS, THE SANTALS BELIEVE THAT THEY ARE CAUSED BY THE EVIL SPIRITS WHEN THEY BECOME DISSATISFIED WITH THE SACRIFICES OF THE PEOPLE OR WHEN THEY THINK THAT THEY ARE BEING MANIPULATED BY SOME EVIL-MINDED PEOPLE (WITCHES). THEREFORE, THE SANTALS TRY TO IDENTIFY THE AGENTS OF THE TROUBLE THROUGH THE HELP OF OJHA–JANGURU AND TRY TO PACIFY EACH AGENT THROUGH VARIOUS SACRIFICES. 14 | P a g e. Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh 6. 4 THE ANCESTORS: FROM THE RITES AND RITUALS AS PRACTICED BY THE SANTALS, IT IS QUITE EVIDENT THAT ANCESTOR-WORSHIP IS A COMMON FEATURE AMONG THEM. THE DEAD ANCESTORS ARE THE REAL BENEFACTORS OF THE FAMILIES OR GROUPS TO WHICH THEY BELONGED AND THAT THEY ARE EASILY APPROACHABLE BY THEIR LIVING KINSMEN. HENCE, AT ALL IMPORTANT OCCASIONS OF BIRTH, OF MARRIAGE OR OF DEATH THE DECEASED ANCESTORS ARE REMEMBERED AND OFFERED SACRIFICES. 6. 5 THE JAHERTHAN OR THE SACRED GROVE IS AN ESSENTIAL PART OF A SANTAL VILLAGE. IT IS A SACRED PLACE OF SPECIAL WORSHIP FOR THE SANTALS. AFTER A VILLAGE HAS BEEN SET UP, A JAHERTHAN IS INSTALLED THROUGH RITUAL CEREMONY AT THE OUTSKIRT OF THE VILLAGE. THE MAIN DEITY OF THE JAHERTHAN, IS KNOWN AS JAHER ERA (THE LADY OF THE GROVE). ACCORDING TO THE SANTALS, SHE RESIDES THERE BESIDES OTHER IMPORTANT DEITIES SUCH AS THE MOREKO-TURUIKO (LITERALLY MEANS †FIVE-SIX†). THE JAHER ERA PRESIDES OVER THE SACRED GROVE, TENDS OVER OTHER BONGA IN THE JAHERTHAN AND LOOKS AFTER THE INTERESTS OF THE VILLAGERS ESPECIALLY FOR THEIR PHYSICAL NEEDS. THE SPIRITS OF THE JAHERTHAN ARE WORSHIPPED DURING THE PRINCIPAL FESTIVALS, LIKE SOHORAE (HARVEST FESTIVAL), BAHA. (FLOWER FESTIVAL), EROK’ (SOWING FESTIVAL), AND SO ON FOR THE GENERAL WELFARE OF THE VILLAGE PARTICULARLY FOR OBTAINING GOOD CROPS AND FOR THE HEALTH OF THE VILLAGERS AND THEIR LIVESTOCK. 6. 6 The M njhithan? or the altar of the headman is placed along side the kulhi (VILLAGE ROAD) OR OFTEN AT THE CENTRAL PLACE OF THE VILLAGE OR IN FRONT THE HOUSE OF THE M njhi? (the headman). It is believed that the Manjhi bonga (spirit of the headman) RESIDES IN THIS ALTAR AND ACTS AS THE SPIRITUAL ADVISER OF THE HEADMAN. HERE THE M njhi? offers sacrifice for the benefit of himself, his family and for the whole. VILLAGE. 6. 7 THE â€Å"HOUSE-ALTAR†: IN THE INNER SIDE OF A SANTAL HOUSE, THERE REMAINS THE bhit r, ? a tiny compartment, which is the darkest space of the house. It is the abode OF THE ORAK BONGA (HOUSE SPIRITS) OR OFTEN KNOWN AS ABGE BONGA—THE BONGA OF THE SUB-CLAN. THE HEAD OF THE FAMILY DOES THE WORSHIP. IN ANY OCCASION OF THE FAMILY AND SOCIAL FESTIVALS, FOOD OFFERING IS MADE ON THIS ALTAR. THE NAMES OF THE ORAK BONGA ARE NOT REVEALED TO OUTSIDERS AND EVEN TO THE FEMALE MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE RATHER, HANDED DOWN FROM FATHER TO SON. USUALLY THE ELDEST SON RECEIVES THE NAME FROM HIS FATHER. 15 | P a g e. Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh The bhit r? is also used as a secret place to germinate and to store h ndi ? (rice beer), WHICH IS NOT ONLY USED AS NORMAL DRINK BUT ITS USE IS SIGNIFICANT AND EXTENDED TO SOCIO-CULTURAL RITUALISTIC CELEBRATIONS, AND EVEN THAT TO BE OFFERED TO SATISFY THE BONGA. 6. 8 THE â€Å"AFTER-LIFE† IS THE CONTINUATION OF LIFE THAT IS LIVED IN THIS WORLD. THE SANTALS BELIEVE THAT THE SPIRIT OF THE DECEASED GOES TO A SHADOWY WORLD WHERE THE PERSON REQUIRES THE MATERIALS OF THIS WORLD. THIS IS WELL EXPRESSED WITH THE RITUAL PRACTICES DONE AT THE TIME OF BURIAL AND DURING THE BHANDAN, THE LAST CEREMONY DONE IN HONOR OF THE DEAD. IN THE PAST, IT WAS PERFORMED IMMEDIATELY AFTER ALL THE REQUIREMENTS HAD BEEN FULFILLED FOR THE DECEASED PERSON, BUT IN PRESENT DAYS SUCH CEREMONY, IN A RICH FAMILY, IS DONE WITHIN TWO OR THREE MONTHS FROM THE DEATH AND IN A POOR FAMILY, IT IS ONE YEAR OR TWO. FOR THE SANTALS, THE MORE NUMEROUS ARE THE ANIMAL-VICTIMS OFFERED IN HONOR OF THE DEAD DURING THE BHANDAN, THE MORE WOULD BE THE ANIMALS THAT THE ANCESTOR WILL HAVE IN THE OTHER WORLD. MOST ANIMAL-VICTIMS ARE DONATED BY THE RELATIVES AND NONE OF THEM ARE TO BE SPARED FOR FUTURE USE BY THE FAMILY CONCERNED. TRADITIONALLY EVERY SANTAL, MALE AND FEMALE, IS SUPPOSED TO BEAR UNDELETABLE SCARS on the body. For the male, it is the sik? that must be at least three scars REPRESENTING JION (LIFE), MORON (DEATH), AND JION (LIFE). THE SANTAL WOMEN DO NOT practice sik? , but to escape to be devoured by the worms in the life-after, they have THEIR CHEST TATTOOED, WHICH IS CALLED BY THE SANTALS KHODA. FR. PUSSETTO, WITH HIS VAST EXPERIENCE WITH THE SANTALS TESTIFIED: I HAVE NOT ONLY SEEN SANTAL WOMEN TATTOOED ON THE CHEST BUT ALSO ON THE BACK, ON THE FACE, ON THE ARMS AND ON THE LEGS; THE TATTOO WERE ENOUGH COMPLICATED, BUT PURELY ORNAMENTAL†¦THE TATTOO WILL SERVE TO THE WOMEN TO BE RECOGNIZED FROM THE RESPECTIVE HUSBANDS IN THE OTHER LIFE. IN THE PRESENT TIMES THE YOUNGER GENERATION OF THE SANTALS IN BANGLADESH DOES NOT practice sik ? or khoda or rather these have become voluntary. However, every SANTAL CHILD BEARS NEEDLE-EYE WHOLES IN HIS/HER TWO EARS TO USE ORNAMENTS WHEN THEY GROW UP AND ESPECIALLY AT THE TIME OF HIS/HER MARRIAGE. 16 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh 7. MORALITY IN SANTAL CONCEPTION FOR THE SANTALS, MORALITY MEANS RIGHTFUL DOING AND LIVING; AND REMAINING TRUE AND LOYAL.

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